The time of my furlough at length expiring, I prepared to set out for my regiment. Having a recommendatory letter from General Franklin to Major Kinnair, as to my services, I marched forward for New York, where being arrived, I waited on the Major, he being a worthy gentleman, universally beloved by the whole regiment; and after giving him an account of all our transactions, and the hardships and labours we had gone through, I was dismissed.

[In an age before reliable communication, during adaptive military campaigns relying on ad-hoc units, such interviews of experienced combatants gave the officers of such a war invaluable insight into the nature of operations.]

After some stay there, I was ordered to proceed on my march for Oswego once more. But before I go further with my affairs, I shall just recount the result of those provincials who went, as I mentioned before, to quell the savages, under the command of Colonel Armstrong.

He having under his command 280 provincials, destined against the Ohio Morians, against whom nothing had been attempted, notwithstanding their frequent incursions and murders, penetrated 140 miles through the woods, from Fort Shirley on Juniata river to Kittanning, an Indian town on the

Ohio, about 25 miles above Fort dui Quesne, belonging to the French. He soon joined the advanced party at the Beaver-Dams; and on the fourth evening after, being within six miles of Kittanning, the scouts discovered a fire in the road, and reported that there were but three or four Indians at it. At that time it was not thought proper to attempt surprising these Indians, lest is one should escape, the town might he alarmed. Lieutenant Hogg, therefore, with twelve men, was left to watch them, with orders not to fall upon them until day-break; and our forces turned out of the path, to pass their fire, without disturbing them.

About three in the morning, having been guided by the whooping of the Indian warriors, at a dance in the town, they reached the river at about 100 perches below it. As soon as day appeared the attack began. Captain Jacobs, chief of the Indians, gave the war-whoop, and defended his house bravely through the loopholes in the logs. The Indians generally refusing quarter, Colonel Armstrong ordered their houses to be set on fire, which was done by the officers and soldiers with great alacrity. On this, some burst out of the houses and attempted to reach the river, but were instantly shot. Captain Jacobs, in getting out of a window, was shot and scalped, as were also his Squaw, and a lad they called the King's son. The Indians had a number of spare arms in their houses loaded, which went off in quick succession as the fire came to them; and quantities of gunpowder, which had been stored in every house, blew up from time to time, throwing their bodies into the air.

Eleven English prisoners were released, who informed the Colonel, that that very day two batteaux of Frenchmen, with a large party of Delaware and French Indians, were to have joined Captain Jacobs, to march and take Fort Shirley; and that twenty-four warriors had set out before them the preceding evening: which proved to be the party that had kindled the fire the preceding night; for our people returning found Lieutenant Hogg wounded in three places; and learned that he had attacked the supposed party of three or four at the fire, but found them too strong for him. He killed three of them however, at the first fire, and fought them an hour; when, having lost three of his men, the rest, as he lay wounded, abandoned him and fled, the enemy pursuing. Lieutenant Hogg died soon after of his wounds.

Enough of these two expeditions has been said, nor can I well tell which of the two was most successful, both losing more of their own men than they killed of the enemy.

A little retrospection again on the actions and behaviour of the Philadelphians, and the other provinces, and places in conjunction with them, may here be something necessary: for, when I arrived at Philadelphia, I found however melancholy their situation had been of late, this good effect had been obtained, that the most prejudiced and ignorant individual was feelingly convinced of the necessity of vigorous measures; and, besides national and public views, then the more prevailing ones of revenge and self-interest gave a spur to their counsels. They were accordingly raising men with the utmost expedition; and had, before the end of the summer, a considerable number, though not equal to what they could furnish, having at least 45,000 men in Pennsylvania able to fight.

45,000 able bodied men, and less than 10% of that number were raised as combatants?

This ratio bespeaks the weakness of the slave economy.

The most extreme slave society in the ancient world was Sparta, with each Spartan holding in thrall 10 Helots through a brutal reign of terror that was barely sustainable, and required allied intervention to prop up on at least one occasion.

Based on the single account of a plantation with nine slaves and two able-bodied men earlier in the book and the above statement of the pacifistic slave owners of Pennsylvania we are treated to a ratio of slave to free between 4.5 to 1 and just over 10 to 1. A ratio of over 10 to 1 is considered unsustainable by many historians. Also, a ratio exceeding 10-1 is considered perilous by modern corrections officials.

In French San Domingo, on the eve of the French Revolution, just a generation after Peter’s story, the slave population was exactly ten times the free white population and 12 times the free black population, which brings us in between a 5-1 and 10-1 slave to free ratio.

It seems clear that exceeding a 10-1 slave to free ratio is not sustainable and that much of the colonial drift of men like Boone and Wetzel after the close of the 1753-63 hostilities was inevitable, as the men suddenly entrusted with the defense of their betters from the savage aborigine could scarcely be disarmed and recalled to the plantation.